{"id":6700,"date":"2019-12-21T09:00:08","date_gmt":"2019-12-21T14:00:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/salonsyria.com\/?p=6700"},"modified":"2020-07-20T01:14:53","modified_gmt":"2020-07-20T05:14:53","slug":"thinking-through-vulnerability-how-conceptual-approaches-shape-infrastructural-response","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.salonsyria.com\/en\/thinking-through-vulnerability-how-conceptual-approaches-shape-infrastructural-response\/","title":{"rendered":"Thinking Through Vulnerability: How Conceptual Approaches Shape Infrastructural Response"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><em>[This article is drawn from a paper presented by the author at the Vulnerability, Infrastructure, and Displacement Symposium (2019), as part of the panel on \u201cVulnerability and the (Built) Environment.\u201d Click <\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.jadaliyya.com\/Details\/40368\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><em>here<\/em><\/a><em>,\u00a0<\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.jadaliyya.com\/Details\/40368\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><em>here<\/em><\/a><em>, and\u00a0<\/em><a href=\"https:\/\/www.jadaliyya.com\/Details\/40370\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener noreferrer\"><em>here<\/em><\/a><em>\u00a0for other articles drawn from the same panel.]<\/em><\/p>\n<p>This article reads notions of \u201cvulnerability\u201d employed in the humanitarian response to the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon against recent feminist and urbanist debates on the links between infrastructure and vulnerability. In doing so, it seeks to introduce and grapple with some of the key terms of the symposium. I argue that how we conceive of vulnerability impacts how we seek to address it. Thinking vulnerability in terms relationality and interdependency allows us to critically interrogate how humanitarian actors operating in Lebanon\u2013who necessarily see vulnerability as a condition to be overcome\u2013have employed the term in the context of the response to the Syrian crisis. Based on interviews as well as participant observation among UN agencies, international NGOs, and local NGOs working on the Syrian crisis response in Lebanon conducted in 2018-19, I examine several levels at which humanitarian actors conceptualise, measure, and seek to address (infrastructural) vulnerabilities.<\/p>\n<p>Judith Butler views the always-vulnerable human body as fundamentally characterized by dependency on support systems beyond itself,[1] which she also describes as \u201cinfrastructure.\u201d[2]\u00a0Even though, to her, this denotes both human and non-human support systems, Butler\u2019s understanding of vulnerability echoes Matthew Gandy\u2019s work on cyborg urbanism: he describes infrastructures as a form of \u201dexoskeleton\u201d[3]\u2013that is, as extensions of our bodily selves upon which we rely for our very survival. Thus, vulnerability is intrinsically linked to infrastructure: our reliance on the circulations and services provided by others also creates a level of risk for disruption and harm. If we understand vulnerability in this way, refugees, having moved involuntarily, are lacking at least some of these support systems\u2013be they physical environment, usual services and amenities, or social ties. They are, then, by definition more vulnerable than those who have not been displaced.<\/p>\n<p>The Lebanese government\u2019s \u201cpolicy of no policy\u201d vis-\u00e0-vis displaced Syrians leaves most without a legal framework to ensure the right to residency, work, or even free movement. Instead, local authorities devise individual responses.[4]\u00a0Beyond the support system of a legal status or guaranteed rights, many Syrian refugees are also disconnected from physical infrastructures. The eighteen percent of displaced people living in tented settlements (informal refugee camps on private land) are explicitly not connected to wider water and sewage networks. Such linkages are politically controversial as they would be a material manifestation of a longer-term stay, and thus embody anxieties about the displaced settling permanently in Lebanon. Beyond the functional impact (not having running water or a functioning toilet), such infrastructural exclusion also always operates on a symbolic register:[5]\u00a0the stigma that is advanced through abjection and the exclusion from infrastructure\u2019s aura of modernity can act as an additional threat by legitimising dispossession or displacement. It can thus turn into a tangible risk as when the Litani River Authority\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.aljazeera.com\/news\/2019\/04\/dozens-syrian-refugees-evicted-lebanon-anti-pollution-drive-190427180746074.html\">evicted over 1,500 Syrians<\/a>\u00a0from along the river bank for the pollution their informal settlements caused.<\/p>\n<p>Both Lebanon\u2019s lacking infrastructural provision to all its residents and the ecological crisis emanating from this are frequently blamed on refugees. Official\u00a0<a href=\"http:\/\/www.undp.org\/content\/dam\/lebanon\/docs\/Energy%20and%20Environment\/Publications\/EASC-WEB.pdf\">publications<\/a>\u00a0of the Ministry of Environment, for instance, attribute responsibility for water pollution to the Syrian crisis. This is despite the fact that Lebanon\u2019s infrastructural crisis precedes the influx of Syrian refugees and \u201cuneven geographies\u201d of infrastructural distribution have long exacerbated existing inequalities.[6]\u00a0The case of the Litani reflects the interdependency of displaced and \u201chost\u201d communities, whose living spaces and health are tied up through the human and non-human chains of waste disposal, drinking water, and food production. This interdependency means that even individual or private \u201csolutions\u201d to the lacking infrastructural supply, be they open-air defecation or buying bottled water from illegal wells, affect wider systems. They seep back into bodies and do harm, albeit sometimes at slow time scales and in microscopic sizes.[7]\u00a0Our bodies are not bounded, we are always beyond ourselves (Butler refers to this quality as being \u201cecstatic\u201d[8]), and vulnerable to those who are and that which is beyond ourselves. Viewing infrastructures as the manifestations of the way in which refugee-host, as well as built-and-\u201cnatural\u201d-environment and human-non-human, relations are entangled and mutually influence one another, rather than the basis of conflict in a zero sum game, acknowledges people\u2019s shared vulnerability. This relationality and interdependence differentiate infrastructural vulnerability from the \u201cinfrastructural violence\u201d urban studies scholars have located in the inequitable distribution of resources, and consequently, life chances, by way of infrastructures.[9]<\/p>\n<p>The recent proliferation of \u201cvulnerability\u201d discourse among humanitarian organisations can be understood as a means for them to limit their responsibility vis-a-vis the groups under their mandate by prioritising the \u201cmost vulnerable.\u201d[10]\u00a0Vulnerability, according to Butler, is both an ontological condition\u2013everyone is vulnerable through their embodied exposure to the world and Others in it\u2013and a political issue\u2013in that some are (made) more vulnerable than others. She refers to the universal condition as \u201cprecarity\u201d and the politically-induced one as \u201cprecariousness.\u201d[11]\u00a0The \u201cvulnerability criteria\u201d employed by many humanitarian actors and used in the resettlement process, however, fail to see vulnerability in this manner; instead, they locate the onus of the problem in individual members of those groups reified as \u201cvulnerable.\u201d Yet thinking of vulnerability as reliance on support systems makes visible the structural nature of privilege: Those not deemed vulnerable benefit from a scaffolding of support systems that enable them \u2013 rather than those deemed \u201cvulnerable\u201d being less complete or fully human. The often generic criteria for receiving assistance can make invisible the vulnerability some seemingly less deserving groups, such as single men, who are vulnerable to discrimination and violence as well as forced recruitment.[12]\u00a0Further, these criteria obfuscate the structures that enable some people and disable others, and thus depoliticise the underlying inequalities, avoiding transformational thinking.<\/p>\n<p>Tools to measure socio-economic vulnerability at the household level, such as the \u201cDesk Formula\u201d used to determine refugees\u2019 eligibility for cash-based aid, are often very complex, in an attempt to ground decisions of aid inclusion and exclusion in \u201crobust\u201d and \u201cscientific\u201d methods. At the same time, they are intentionally obscure, both to humanitarian employees and to recipients. The latter, meanwhile, become increasingly transparent as vast amounts of data about them\u2013ranging from their iris scans to their sexual habits\u2013are collected, shared, and mined using advanced machine learning techniques. The opacity of programmes, the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thenewhumanitarian.org\/investigations\/2017\/11\/27\/security-lapses-aid-agency-leave-beneficiary-data-risk\">transparency of \u201cbeneficiaries,\u201d as well as lacking data security<\/a>,\u00a0thus become meta-vulnerabilities arising from the aid response itself. However, the cash assistance for which the Desk Formula is deployed appears to have little long-term effect in improving vulnerability measures, as UN representatives noted. Thus, we might ask what other purposes injecting large sums (1.2 billion dollars annually, with a multiplier value of up to 2.4 when spent) into the Lebanese economy through these programmes might have. The aim of donors here appears to be stabilising Lebanon, most likely with the aim of containing the crisis in the region, rather than meaningfully improving people\u2019s livelihoods.<\/p>\n<p>The numerous projects that seek to address social issues through infrastructure, such as the Lebanese Host Communities Support Programme, appear to serve similar aims. This particular project operates on the basis of the following \u201cTheory of Change\u201d: that social stability (the absence of violent outbursts between Lebanese and Syrians) can be ensured by providing more infrastructural services on the municipal level and thus strengthening the legitimacy of state actors. It follows this logic although UN representatives from the Social Stability sector note that lack of infrastructural services is not the cause of most intercommunal tension or violence against refugees. Vulnerability, here, is conceived as a conflict over resources and a problem of lacking trust in the state\u2013notably not the lacking trustworthiness of the state. In fact, despite aiming to compensate for a \u201cweak state,\u201d delivering aid through \u201ccommunities\u201d can deepen sectarian divisions, as Nucho has argued.[13]\u00a0These kinds of stabilisation programmes, then, much like the large-scale loans for public works\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/uk.reuters.com\/article\/us-lebanon-economy-france\/lebanon-wins-pledges-exceeding-11-billion-in-paris-idUKKCN1HD0UU\">promised<\/a>\u00a0during the\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/www.diplomatie.gouv.fr\/en\/country-files\/lebanon\/events\/article\/lebanon-cedre-conference-06-04-18\">CEDRE conference<\/a>, aim to use infrastructure to stabilise the country.<\/p>\n<p>These projects under these programmes, and indeed the vast coordinated humanitarian effort under the Lebanon Crisis Response Plan, is based on conceptualising vulnerability as the counterpart to resilience, viewed the capacity to recover from or resist shocks. Therefore, humanitarian vulnerability thinking appears to aspire for a return to a mythical point of equilibrium. What such a presumed point of stability and normality might be in Lebanon\u2019s history is unclear; as Davoudi notes, this kind of resilience thinking often fails to critically assess what a \u201creturn to normal\u201d might entail.[14]\u00a0Viewing vulnerability as the absence of an assumed state of wholeness and self-containment in this way denies our interdependence\u2013that we are always beyond ourselves and always already bound up with one another. The bounded notion of resilience reflected in many aid projects is linked to donor countries aiming to defend their own boundaries\u2013by enabling circulations through infrastructure on a local level in Lebanon, they seek to contain the Syrian refugee crisis at a distance from their borders. Thus, the production of infrastructures becomes itself part of a global infrastructure of control, in which boundaries are maintained to create the illusion of self-sufficiency. Vulnerability as projected onto the other, then, is linked to the denial of the vulnerability of interconnected selves.<\/p>\n<div>\n<div>\n<p>___________________<\/p>\n<p>[1] Judith Butler, <em>Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence<\/em>, (London: Verso, 2004) and\u00a0<em>Frames of War: When Is Life Grievable?,<\/em>\u00a0(London: Verso, 2010).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[2]\u00a0 Judith Butler, \u201cRethinking Vulnerability and Resistance\u201d in\u00a0<em>Vulnerability in Resistance<\/em>, ed. J. Butler, Z. Gambetti &amp; L. Sabsay (North Carolina: Duke University Press, 2016), 12.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[3] Matthew Gandy, \u201cCyborg Urbanization: Complexity and Monstrosity in the Contemporary City,\u201d\u00a0<em>International Journal of Urban and Regional Research<\/em>\u00a029, no. 1 (2005): 26\u201349.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[4] Tamirace Fakhoury, &#8220;Governance strategies and refugee response: Lebanon in the face of Syrian displacement,&#8221;\u00a0<em>International Journal of Middle East Studies<\/em>\u00a049, no. 4 (2017): 681-700.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[5] Brian Larkin, \u201cThe Politics and Poetics of Infrastructure,\u201d\u00a0<em>Annual Review of Anthropology<\/em>\u00a042, no. 1 (2013): 327-43.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[6] Eric Verdeil, \u201cBeirut. The Metropolis of Darkness and the Politics of Urban Electricity Grid\u201d, in\u00a0<em>Energy, Power and Protest on the Urban Grid. Geographies of the Electric City<\/em>, ed. Andres Luque Ayala and Jonathan Silver (Abingdon: Routledge, 2016), 155-175.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[7] Rob Nixon,\u00a0<em>Slow Violence and the environmentalism of the poor<\/em>\u00a0(London: Harvard University Press, 2011).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[8] Butler,\u00a0<em>Frames of War<\/em>: 33<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[9] Cf. Stephen Graham and Simon Marvin,\u00a0<em>Splintering Urbanism: Networked Infrastructures, Technological Mobilities and the Urban Condition<\/em>\u00a0(London: Routledge, 2001) and Dennis Rodgers and Bruce O\u2019Neill, &#8220;Infrastructural Violence: Introduction to the Special Issue,&#8221;\u00a0<em>Ethnography<\/em>\u00a013, no. 4 (2012): 401-12.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[10] Hande S\u00f6zer, \u201cHumanitarianism with a neo-liberal face: vulnerability intervention as vulnerability redistribution,\u201d\u00a0<em>Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies<\/em>\u00a0(2019) DOI:\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/1369183X.2019.1573661\">10.1080\/1369183X.2019.1573661<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[11] Butler,\u00a0<em>Precarious Life\u00a0<\/em>and\u00a0<em>Frames of War<\/em>.<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[12] Cf. Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, \u201cGender Audit Report of the High Commissioner&#8217;s Dialogue on Protection Challenges &#8211; Towards a Global Compact on Refugees\u201d, Geneva 12 -13 December 2017 and Lewis Turner, \u201cSyrian refugee men as objects of humanitarian care\u201d\u00a0<em>International Feminist Journal of Politics<\/em>\u00a0(2019)\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/14616742.2019.1641127\">https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1080\/14616742.2019.1641127<\/a><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[13] Joanne Randa Nucho,\u00a0<em>Everyday Sectarianism in Urban Lebanon: Infrastructures, Public Services, and Power<\/em>\u00a0(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2016).<\/p>\n<\/div>\n<div>\n<p>[14] Simin Davoudi, \u201cResilience: A Bridging Concept or a Dead End?,\u201d\u00a0<em>Planning Theory &amp; Practice\u00a0<\/em>13, no 2 (2012): 302.<\/p>\n<p><em>[This article was originally posted by <a href=\"https:\/\/www.jadaliyya.com\/Details\/40367\/Thinking-Through-Vulnerability-How-Conceptual-Approaches-Shape-Infrastructural-Responses\">Jadaliyya<\/a> on 19 December, 2019.]<\/em><\/p>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>[This article is drawn from a paper presented by the author at the Vulnerability, Infrastructure, and Displacement Symposium (2019), as part of the panel on \u201cVulnerability and the (Built) Environment.\u201d Click here,\u00a0here, and\u00a0here\u00a0for other articles drawn from the same panel.] This article reads notions of \u201cvulnerability\u201d employed in the humanitarian response to the Syrian refugee [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":232,"featured_media":6718,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_et_pb_use_builder":"","_et_pb_old_content":"","_et_gb_content_width":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[19,1],"tags":[246,148,1329,21],"class_list":["post-6700","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-cost-of-war","category-1","tag-cost-of-war","tag-displacement","tag-infrastructure","tag-syria"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v26.9 - 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Having completed her PhD on the infrastructures of im\/mobility in East Jerusalem at the Cambridge Centre for Urban Conflicts Research in 2017, her current work examines the role of infrastructures in processes of urban exclusion\/inclusion of non-citizens: How do public services influence urban politics on embodied, affective, and symbolic registers? 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